IDF renews its battle for international legitimacy

According to Kochavi, the IDF will not delay launching a full-force attack against civilian neighborhoods, centers or even residences where missiles, rockets and unmanned aircraft are being stored or detonated. soft.

It was for the first time publicly publicizing the IDF’s latest strategy and approach.

The head of the IDF, speaking late last month at a conference hosted by the Institute for National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University, warned the leaders of Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad that the next major conflict would see the IDF force partially they have not seen (and indeed Israelis) yet.

But he hurried to make it clear that the IDF would not violate the rules of international law as part of such an action.

Kochavi said Lebanese and Gazan citizens in which the nearby homes or areas are located should evacuate hidden weapons as soon as conflict or escalation begins. He assured these civilians that the IDF would give them an early warning and time to leave before dispersing any deadly force.

The special warning is there so that Israel, after the next conflict, can oppose any request to take its military officers or politicians to court by easily proving that the IDF warning civilians where possible – as required by international law.

It is fair to assume that Kochavi made this statement at a calm time, without any concrete context, as part of the next IDF campaign.

The need for outright preemptive denial stems from the particular threats facing Israeli civilians and the modus operandi of terrorist groups and their supporters.

There is no country in the world whose citizens are directly and deliberately threatened by tens of thousands of large missiles (70,000 in Lebanon and 20,000 in Gaza).

Moreover, such a threat, which can cause a great deal of great loss and destruction, could occur at any time as a result of an increase or decline which no one – even the other side – had been request.

The issue of the grave, however, is the strategy of Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad to use the local civilian population as human shields.

These organizations store, hide and launch missiles and rockets from or near unsuspecting civilian homes. Schools are used as stage grounds and warehouses and hospitals hide field leaders who are feared being killed by Israel.

Most cities in southern Lebanon are converted into fortified centers, while civil infrastructure in Lebanon and Gaza, such as power centers, is directly and sometimes exclusively in service. the Hamas and Hezbollah attacks.

But when the IDF used strikes and ground forces against such a source of attacks to reduce losses and destruction against Israel’s home, their leaders and ministers had to defend themselves from allegations of war crimes – as happened. after the fighting in a Jenin refugee camp during the Second Intifada and after the first Gaza war in the winter of 2008/9.

It should be noted that this criticism was indeed well-established at times, with civilian injuries as a result of IDF error or misrepresentation – as happened in the Qana bombing of World War II – and caused lasting damage on the international stage, even among Israeli allies.

The need for domestic and international legitimacy for military activity is not specific to Israel. It exists in all democracies – including the U.S., which has been shifting the armed muscles overseas for decades.

That is why the battle for legitimacy has become an important part of all conflicts, with forces consuming a lot of resources for public diplomacy.

Kochavi is trying to create a new paradigm, at least in terms of the unparalleled legitimacy that the IDF must have against missiles fired in urban areas in Lebanon and Gaza.

Its goal is to create moral and legal legitimacy both internationally and domestically for the IDF to use its full power – bringing in new and deadly capabilities – anywhere, to any extent and as soon as the fight begins.

But now the International Criminal Court has ruled that it has the power to adjudicate Israel on what it has done in Palestinian territories.

The decision is important, as it severely limits (if at all) the legitimacy of the IDF in the use of force, especially in urban areas where Hezbollah and Hamas hide the missiles and rockets aimed at Israeli civilians themselves.

It also limits the operational capabilities of U.S. troops in Afghanistan and Iraq. The Biden administration thus quickly criticized the decision in The Hague, even though Israel and the United States do not sign the Treaty of Rome, with which the tribunal operates.

But if the United Nations accepts Kochavi’s philosophy of when it is legitimate to use force – based on quality information and made using highly accurate weapons – Israel will be able to defend itself without the their senior soldiers and politicians are afraid of being imprisoned. Europe.