Why Myanmar ‘s army seized power in a coup Myanmar News

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Wearing masks, gloves and face shields, voters across Myanmar on November 8 contracted coronavirus infections and turned out en masse to cast their votes in the country’s second democratic vote since the end of rule arms in 2011.

At polling stations in Myanmar’s largest city, Yangon, the enthusiasm was palpable.

“People are excited to vote, because they want to escape the political struggles,” said one voting worker at the time. “They want a true democracy.”

Trouble, however, was already breaking.

Just days before the elections, Myanmar’s powerful military leader, Min Aung Hlaing, had taken the opportunity that the army could not accept the election result. Accusing Nobel government of Aung San Suu Kyi of “inappropriate errors”, he told a local news agency that we are “in a position where we need to be careful” about the election results.

The Aung San Suu Kyi National League of Democracy (NLD) went on to win a landslide victory, taking more than 80 percent of the vote and increasing its support since the 2015 vote. But the result drew allegations of fraud in the and immediately calls for a return from the military-backed Solidarity and Development Union (USDP). The Tatmadaw, as the military is called, backing the USDP’s allegations, was considered unproven that his own investigation had found 10.5 million suspected votes.

Then, on Wednesday, Min Aung Hlaing threatened to restore the foundation.

The threat of a widely criticized international coup prompted the military to retaliate with their warning, saying the media had misinterpreted the general’s comments.

But by Monday morning, the threat had materialized.

Just 10 years after the start of a transition to civilian rule, the Tatmadaw was back in control in Myanmar, with top civilian leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint detained, soldiers out on the streets and phone and internet services cut in large parts of the country.

Hours after the trophy, the militia declared a one-year state of emergency, using as a lawsuit that the NLD government failed to act on its claims of “horrific fraud”. He also promised new elections, but did not give a timetable, and announced that Ming Aung Hlaing had been given power.

Presidential goals

The general, who is required by law to retire from military duty when he turns 65 in July, has been pursuing key goals, according to Melissa Crouch, a professor at the faculty of law, University of New South Wales in Sydney, Australia. It was the USDP’s humble display in the November election that thwarted its goal, she said.

The Tatmadaw – under a constitution he climbed in 2008 – already names 166 or 25 percent of seats in parliament, and the USDP would have to get another 167 seats to appoint Min Aung Hlaing as president of the country.

But the party won only 33 of the 498 available seats, while the NLD won 396.

Crouch said a coup on Monday – coming just hours before the new parliament met for the first time – was carried out when the military realized they had no choice but to regain power.

“To get the president’s office back in their hands, they had to work outside the law. And in a year’s time, they will allow a new election to be held. If the USDP succeeds in securing a third of the seats, it is possible that Min Aung Hlaing could become president. “

Min Aung Hlaing, a former notorious outsider, was named commander-in-chief in 2011, just as Myanmar began to transition to civilian rule after 49 years of military rule.

When the NLD won the 2015 multi-party elections, the general began positioning himself as a candidate for the presidency. He did not retire as expected in 2016, transforming himself – backed by social media – from an aloof soldier to a public figure. Facebook pages dedicated to the public publicized his activities, including visits to monasteries in a Buddhist-majority country, and meetings with dignitaries.

One of the pages had 1.3 million followers and was the army’s main information center, especially during Tatmadaw’s brutal breakdown of the Rohingya minority in 2017. The activity – which brought massacres, gang rape and widespread arson – around 730,000 Rohingya into nearby Bangladesh. The next year, Facebook took down both pages.

Since then, the United States and the United Kingdom have imposed sanctions on Min Aung Hlaing over the campaign, which UN investigators said was executed with “genocidal intent”.

Frontier Myanmar, a Yangon-based current affairs magazine, said Min Aung Hlaing is “one of the most wanted men on the planet” because of his role in the horrors committed against the Rohingya also adds to the general’s concern about his future. “Hiring a loyalist to replace him as chief executive would help, but it seems that was not enough to address his concerns,” he said in a statement.

On Monday, the US threatened new sanctions on Myanmar over “the direct military attack on the country’s transition to democracy and the rule of law,” while the UK said it would work diplomatically with its allies. to “ensure their peaceful return to democracy”. Leaders from around the world also criticized the coup, but nearby China – one of Myanmar’s most influential economic partners – said it “noted” what had happened and urged all sides to ” resolving differences ”to maintain sustainability.

Business interests

Meanwhile, Justice for Myanmar, a campaign group, said Monday ‘s coup was not just about causing Min Aung Hlaing’ s political influence, but also his wealth. The general has “taken advantage of his position as chief executive for his personal gain, and today’s coup extends that power and privilege,” the group said in a statement.

The protesters said businesses with Min Aung Hlaing children had benefited from their access to state facilities during their tenure and noted that, as chief executive, Ming Aung Hlaing has ultimate authority over two the army’s main consortium – Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) – have investments in a number of sectors, including jewelery, copper, telecommunications and clothing.

UN analysts have previously called for world leaders to impose targeted financial sanctions on both companies, saying the revenues from such businesses strengthened military autonomy from being civil oversight and financial support for their work.

“If democracy goes ahead and there is accountability for its criminal behavior, he and his family stand to lose their revenue streams,” Justice for Myanmar said.

Other campaigners agreed.

“This is a Min Aung Hlaing coup, not just a military coup,” said Mark Farmaner, director of the UK-based Burma Initiative. “It’s about his career and his wealth.”

‘Decisions of life and death’

Other analysts said the institutional interests of the military were also at play.

The selection of the NLD won the military in a “weaker bargaining position”, said Bridget Welsh, an honorary research associate at the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute in Malaysia.

The army’s unelected parliamentary quota gives veto power over constitutional changes, but “their position would be weakened when there was a much larger majority on legal issues,” she said. “And that is a major challenge for the position and authority of the military in Myanmar.”

While Min Aung Hlaing has executed a coup, onlookers say there are still questions about his own ability and the weapon of power.

The NLD, in a statement issued to Aung San Suu Kyi, urged the people of Myanmar to “strongly protest” against Monday’s coup, and analysts say the younger generation, which has been living in a more open system.

“Most people in Myanmar may not be supportive of the cup,” said Jay Harriman, an analyst at BowerGroupAsia.

“They tend to get caught up in what they should be doing, as we say. These are the decisions of life and death. When they resisted military takeover in 1988, thousands were killed. And it seems that these events are going through a lot of people ‘s minds as they think about what constitutes an appropriate response. “

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